If you’ve been following recent news in Ģ����Ƶ about the —better known as SNAP or food stamps—you might have heard an alarming number: 

Ģ����Ƶ’s SNAP payment error rate was 15.21% in 2025.

�ճ󲹳�’s . And under new federal rules, it could cost Ģ����Ƶ hundreds of millions of dollars.

So what does the error rate mean for taxpayers, families, and the people who administer SNAP?

And what are Ģ����Ƶ lawmakers doing to reduce it?

What Does the SNAP Error Rate Measure?

A SNAP payment error happens when a household receives more or less in benefits than it should have. In 2025, 13.62% of Ģ����Ƶ’s SNAP payments were overpayments, and 1.59% were underpayments. Added together, these two percentages total the state’s error rate.

In April of 2025, about 1.88 million Ģ����Ƶns relied on SNAP assistance to feed their families. That means that over 255,000 payments were too high, while about 30,000 were too low.

It’s important to note that making an error isn’t the same thing as committing fraud. Fraud is intentional. SNAP payment errors are usually unintentional and can happen when a household’s information changes, an eligibility worker makes a mistake, or the system that administers the program calculates benefits incorrectly.

Why Is the Error Rate Getting Attention Now?

The federal government has historically paid the full cost of SNAP benefits.

But with the passage of the in 2025, most states with SNAP error rates of 6% or higher will have to pay a share of their residents’ benefits starting in October of 2027. The higher the error rate, the higher the state’s share will be:

• Error rate below 6%: state will pay 0% of SNAP benefits
• Error rate from 6% to 8%: state will pay 5% of SNAP benefits
• Error rate from 8% to 10%: state will pay 10% of SNAP benefits
• Error rate of 10% or higher: state will pay 15% of SNAP benefits

At Ģ����Ƶ’s current SNAP payment error rate of 15.21%, the state could soon face a cost of about $500 million a year to make sure everyone receives their payments. 

This creates a big potential burden for taxpayers because Ģ����Ƶ could have to raise taxes or cut public services to increase revenues enough to pay the state’s share of SNAP benefits. 

For families who use SNAP payments to help put food on the table, the discovery of an incorrect benefit amount—either too high or too low—could create uncertainty as they work to manage a tight budget. They might be especially worried about having to pay something back if they’ve been receiving overpayments. 

The high error rate also has SNAP recipients wondering whether they’ll face changes to eligibility requirements or even reduced access to the program if the state isn’t able to cover all the new costs.

But the federal government has granted Ģ����Ƶ and other states with error rates over 13.34% permission to delay the start of their SNAP cost-sharing until October of 2028. 

That extra year creates a window of opportunity for Ģ����Ƶ’s leaders to address the issue, but they still need to act quickly.

What Can Ģ����Ƶ Do to Reduce Its Error Rate?

Lawmakers are already making key changes that should lower Ģ����Ƶ’s SNAP error rate: 

• They increased funding for SNAP in the new state budget that took effect in July of 2026, including $6.9 million specifically dedicated to reducing the error rate. 
• They’re expanding administrative staff training on the complicated SNAP eligibility rules and empowering case workers to conduct more thorough case reviews. 
• They’ve submitted waiver requests to the federal government to allow the state to automate more of the eligibility process.

Moving forward, state leaders are also planning to improve , the online system Ģ����Ƶns use to apply for and manage SNAP and other public benefits. Better technology should make it easier for families to submit information correctly and for eligibility workers to process cases accurately.

And as lawmakers implement these SNAP system improvements, they could also explore . That would make it easier for someone receiving public assistance to gain skills, find a job, and become self-sufficient—so they can thrive without welfare benefits.

What’s the True Measure of a Successful Welfare Program?

Safety net programs like SNAP are vital to the well-being of people and communities across Ģ����Ƶ. They support individuals and families when they face challenges like disabilities or temporary hardships. 

So it’s crucial that these programs operate correctly, but it’s also essential to make sure they achieve their ultimate goal. 

After all, the true measure of a program’s success isn’t just a low error rate—it’s the ability of that program to help break cycles of poverty and make it easier, not harder, for Ģ����Ƶns and their families to flourish.

Additional Resources

Alliance for Opportunity

CBS News

Ģ����Ƶ Budget & Policy Institute

Ģ����Ƶ Recorder

U.S. Food and Nutrition Administration

U.S. Food and Nutrition Administration

U.S. Food and Nutrition Administration

The post What Is Ģ����Ƶ’s SNAP Error Rate? And What Can Policymakers Do Ģ����Ƶ It? appeared first on For Opportunity.

In many ways, Ģ����Ƶ’s economy is booming.

The state is attracting top-tier businesses, and more Ģ����Ƶns are working than ever before. In June of 2026, almost 5.3 million people held jobs in Ģ����Ƶ. The state’s unemployment rate was also just 3.4%, well below the national average of 4.2%.

And as of the end of 2025, Ģ����Ƶ had about 275,000 job openings.

That all sounds like great news—and it is.

But strong employment numbers don’t tell the whole story.

Many of Ģ����Ƶ’s job-seekers are still wrestling with a big question: “Where can I find a job I can actually get, keep, and live on?”

The Everyday Challenges of the Job Search in Ģ����Ƶ

A lack of motivation is rarely what stands between Ģ����Ƶns and meaningful work. 

Instead, many people are having a hard time figuring out which educational and training programs will open doors to available jobs. They may have general education backgrounds but not the specific skills, certifications, or hands-on experience today’s employers are looking for.

And finding a job that matches a job-seeker’s qualifications is only part of the equation. An employment opportunity also has to work with the realities of their everyday life. Families across Ģ����Ƶ can face barriers to work involving: 

• Access to child care
• Transportation to work
• Re-entry into the workforce after incarceration
• Disability-related challenges
• Distance to resources and good jobs for those in rural areas

These hurdles can make a seemingly good job much harder to take—or to keep—and families have to figure out whether the potential paycheck would really make them better off. 

The income alone might not be enough to overcome the obstacles people struggle with. It could even cause an individual or family to face a benefit cliff, where a small increase in earnings leads to a much bigger decrease in welfare (safety net) support.

There are currently about 800,000 Ģ����Ƶns who aren’t working full time, including:

• Unemployed people who are looking for jobs
• Part-time workers who want to work full time
• People who have given up looking for work

For many of these individuals, the challenges of the search for rewarding full-time work can be complicated and overwhelming. Despite their efforts, they may feel stuck, discouraged, and unsure of how to move forward.

How State Leaders Can Build a Better Path to Work

Ģ����Ƶ policymakers can take much-needed steps to improve the job-search process and help connect more people to promising jobs:

1. Align Workforce Development Programs with Employer Demand: People shouldn’t spend months completing an educational program only to discover there are few openings that they’re qualified for. To prevent this, Ģ����Ƶ’s workforce development programs can coordinate with schools, technical colleges, and employers to structure education and training opportunities so they equip Ģ����Ƶns with the in-demand skills that lead directly to fulfilling careers.
2. Remove the Obstacles That Keep People from Working: To help those who face barriers to work, Ģ����Ƶ lawmakers can continue exploring a to managing government benefits and workforce services. By better integrating welfare and workforce development programs, policymakers can empower state agencies to address beneficiaries’ needs more holistically—connecting people to work while making sure they get the vital support that will enable them to take a job.
3. Make Quality Child Care More Accessible: Ģ����Ƶ’s leaders can help make child care more affordable and available by taking a careful look at rules that may unintentionally make it harder and more expensive for providers to serve families. By considering regulatory changes while preserving quality and safety, policymakers can enable new providers to enter the market, give parents additional choices, and help working families find care that fits their lives. 
4. Eliminate Benefit Cliffs: To reward rather than penalize people’s efforts to work, policymakers can eliminate benefit cliffs by gradually decreasing public assistance as workers earn more. This will encourage people to take meaningful jobs, accept promotions, or work more hours without fear of a steep drop in critical support.

How Local Communities Can Open Doors for Job-Seekers

Nonprofits, churches, and other community groups can also take action to help close the gap between Ģ����Ƶ’s employment numbers and the reality many families experience:

1. Connect Job-Seekers to Employers: Community organizations can work together to identify people who are struggling to find or keep jobs and provide them with access to local work readiness programs and businesses that are hiring. 
2. Help Employers Find Candidates: Just as importantly, community groups can learn what local employers actually need and help them connect with qualified candidates they might otherwise miss. 
3. Provide Continuous Support to Working Families: Getting a job is just one step toward stability and prosperity. Communities can continue to encourage their neighbors and help them adapt as they start new jobs and adjust their family routines. 

The Real Measure of Economic Growth

Ģ����Ƶ has successfully attracted new employers and become a destination for major investments. But the real measure of economic growth isn’t how many jobs are available. It’s whether Ģ����Ƶns can access those jobs and turn them into flourishing lives.

A good job should do more than cover today’s bills. It should create tomorrow’s opportunities. It should make it easier to support a family, save for important purchases, and open doors to upward mobility.

When policymakers and communities come together to help job-seekers, a strong economy can be something even greater: a pathway to stable, family-sustaining work and a brighter future for Ģ����Ƶns across the state.

Additional Resources

Alliance for Opportunity

Alliance for Opportunity

City Journal

Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity 

Non-Working Adults Concentrated in Ģ����Ƶ’s Distressed Communities

Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity 

Ģ����Ƶ Department of Labor

Governor Brian P. Kemp, Office of the Governor

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics

The post Ģ����Ƶ Has 275,000 Open Jobs—Why Is Getting One So Hard? appeared first on For Opportunity.

When Ģ����Ƶns vote for governor, they’re choosing more than a public figure. They’re electing the leader who sets the direction for everything from schools and public safety to taxes and the economy. 

While the governor can’t create laws like the legislature does, they shape daily life by deciding how the state will spend money, what bills get signed, and how certain public programs for families will operate. 

Quick Facts Ģ����Ƶ Ģ����Ƶ’s Governor

• Current Governor: Brian Kemp
• Next Election Date: November 3, 2026, for the general election 
• Term Length: Four years, with a maximum of two back-to-back terms
• Minimum Age Requirement: 30 years old by Inauguration Day
• Counties the Governor Serves: 159
• State Budget the Governor Oversees: $36.6 billion

How Does the Governor Impact Everyday Lives in Ģ����Ƶ?

1. The governor can sign—or stop—new laws.

After a bill passes in Ģ����Ƶ’s House and Senate, it goes to the governor, who can sign it, veto it, or let it become law without a signature. 

If the governor vetoes a bill, Ģ����Ƶ’s legislators can override that action, but only with a two-thirds majority in both chambers. To avoid a veto, lawmakers usually aim to pass legislation that reflects the governor’s policy priorities.

In 2026, Ģ����Ƶ’s legislature passed bills that created pathways for kids to take advanced math classes in earlier grades and to improve their reading skills. The bills aligned with Governor Kemp’s goal of increasing opportunities for Ģ����Ƶ students, and he signed them into law right after the legislative session ended.

On May 5, 2026, Governor Brian Kemp to support reading, math education, and K-12 schools in Ģ����Ƶ.
Photo Credit: . 

2. The governor helps decide where the money goes.

Every year, Ģ����Ƶ’s governor proposes a state budget that outlines how taxpayer dollars should be spent. Because the budget reflects the programs and services that will receive funding, it reveals the governor’s top priorities for the state. 

The legislature revises and passes the budget, but the governor still has a final influential role. Before signing the budget into law, the governor can use a line-item veto to remove parts of the budget they don’t agree with while leaving the rest as is. 

In May 2026, Governor Kemp signed , the state budget bill for the fiscal year starting July 1. The $36.6 billion budget directs most funding toward education, health care services, public safety, and economic growth—a clear signal of what the governor cares about. Before signing, Governor Kemp used his line-item veto authority, removing some expenses to keep the budget in balance after approving income tax cuts.

3. The governor chooses the leaders behind key family services.

Government policies aren’t implemented in one big speech or one dramatic vote. Instead, they’re carried out every day by state agencies, boards, and commissions.

The governor appoints many of the heads of those administrative offices. They oversee daily operations in workforce development, child and family services, public safety, licensing, education administration, and programs that help low-income Ģ����Ƶns.

The governor steers welfare (safety net) policies, for example, by appointing the members of the Board of Human Services. The members establish the state’s goals for welfare programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP).

4. The governor sets the policy agenda.

The governor has a powerful microphone: the annual “State of the State” address. At the beginning of the legislative session, the governor uses this speech to outline their priorities and encourage lawmakers to act on specific policies. 

And when the governor elevates an issue—whether it’s education, workforce development, public safety, or taxes—it usually moves quickly from a policy idea to serious legislative action. 

In his , Governor Kemp proposed decreasing the state income tax to 4.99% to help Ģ����Ƶns keep more of what they earn. The legislature followed up by passing , which the governor signed into law.

5. The governor leads during emergencies.

The governor uses executive orders and emergency powers to quickly mobilize state resources when storms, wildfires, public safety threats, or other emergencies hit. 

In April 2026, Governor Kemp for 91 counties in response to South Ģ����Ƶ wildfires and empowered state agencies to help affected residents and their families.

FAQs: The Ģ����Ƶ Governor’s Race in 2026 and the Election Process

How Is Ģ����Ƶ’s Governor Elected?

Ģ����Ƶns elect their governor through a direct popular vote. Unlike presidential elections, there isn’t an electoral college that casts deciding votes.

During primary elections, voters pick final candidates from each political party. Contenders have to earn at least 50% of the votes in the primary to win, so run-off elections are possible. 

The same requirement applies in the general election. If no candidate earns more than half the votes, the top two competitors head to a run-off.

Who Can Run for Governor?

A candidate must:

• Be at least 30 years old by the time they take office
• Have lived in Ģ����Ƶ for at least six years before the election
• Have been a U.S. citizen for at least 15 years

How Long Can a Governor Serve?

Ģ����Ƶ governors have four-year terms and can serve up to two back-to-back terms. Former governors can run again after sitting out for at least one term.

What Happens if a Governor Leaves Office Early?

The lieutenant governor is next in line for the job and serves until the next general election.

Which Political Parties Have Ģ����Ƶ’s Governors Belonged to Historically?

Ģ����Ƶns have elected Republican governors since 2003. Before then, Democratic governors had held the office continuously since 1872.

Source: , National Governors Association

What Issues Are Candidates Talking Ģ����Ƶ in 2026?

The rising cost of living is one of the biggest concerns for Ģ����Ƶ families—and it’s become a major focus in the 2026 governor’s race. Key affordability issues include:

• Income Taxes: Some candidates are proposing plans to further reduce or eliminate the state income tax so Ģ����Ƶns can keep more money in their own pockets. 
• Property Taxes: As housing costs continue to rise, contenders are thinking about freezing property taxes or increasing exemptions to ease the burden on homeowners. 
• Housing Shortages: Candidates are debating how much the state should get involved in local land-use regulations to spur construction of more homes, especially those at lower prices.
• Health Care: Gubernatorial hopefuls are proposing options to address Ģ����Ƶns’ health care concerns, including expanding Medicaid and reducing the cost of health insurance.

Beyond affordability, candidates are focusing on several other issues affecting families and communities across Ģ����Ƶ:

Welfare Reform: Contenders are thinking about how to lead the state in making big changes to welfare programs, including: 

• Implementing new work requirements for Medicaid and enforcing the ones for SNAP
• to avoid federal penalties
• Introducing a to integrate welfare and workforce systems and offer program participants a clearer route to rewarding jobs and long-term stability

Education: To give Ģ����Ƶ’s children better pathways to academic success, candidates are debating on more school choice vouchers, increased public school funding, and new early childhood education options. 

Public Safety: Competitors are prioritizing safety and security for Ģ����Ƶ communities by looking at ways to tackle gang activity, reform the juvenile justice system, and reduce repeat offenses. 

Why Does Understanding the Governor’s Role Matter?

Candidates know that more needs to be done to break down the economic and social barriers so many people are facing, and they’re making plans to take action if elected. But policymakers aren’t the only ones responsible.

Understanding the governor’s vital role and what they’ll do to meet the daily needs of Ģ����Ƶ families and neighborhoods can help voters guide meaningful change. By casting their ballots, Ģ����Ƶns can bring even more promise and prosperity to the state—making it a place where everyone has the chance to achieve their full potential and thrive.

Additional Resources

270 to Win

Alliance for Opportunity

Alliance for Opportunity

Atlanta Journal-Constitution

Ballotpedia

Ballotpedia

Ballotpedia

CBS News

Understanding Welfare Work Requirements: New Eligibility Rules for SNAP and Medicaid
Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity

Ģ����Ƶ Public Broadcasting

Ģ����Ƶ Public Broadcasting

Ģ����Ƶ Public Policy Foundation

NBC News

State of Ģ����Ƶ

State of Ģ����Ƶ

State of Ģ����Ƶ

Image Credits: Canva; , Ģ����Ƶ Office of the Governor

The post How Ģ����Ƶ’s Governor Impacts Your Daily Life: Understanding the Role and the Election Process appeared first on For Opportunity.

As August ushers in a new school year, nearly are headed back to Ģ����Ƶ’s . How are the state’s schools doing when it comes to preparing kids for work and life? Here are a few key education measures that Ģ����Ƶ parents and communities should know about as students return to the classroom. 

Skills in Reading

Results from the latest show that students are still struggling with reading proficiency. A proficient reader can analyze challenging material and think critically about it.

Just 40% of eighth graders reached a level of reading proficiency in 2025. Third graders are even further behind—only 35% were proficient in reading last year. 

Achieving reading proficiency by third grade is a crucial milestone for Ģ����Ƶ’s students. Not only is it necessary for , but it’s also an indicator of future stability and economic opportunity. �ճ󲹳�’s because literacy, like math proficiency, is closely linked to high school completion and participation in the workforce.

Demographic data from the Milestones Assessment also shows that Black and Hispanic third graders are struggling the most when it comes to literacy.

State lawmakers are paying attention to these challenges, and through promising legislation (see the section on new laws below), they’re paving the way for more children to thrive in their academic development and build flourishing futures.

Enrollment Trends

Ģ����Ƶ public schools have enrolled 1,702,086 students in pre-kindergarten through 12th grade, according to the Ģ����Ƶ Department of Education’s spring 2026 . That number marks a drop of 34,644 students from the spring of 2025. 

The decline in Ģ����Ƶ follows a nationwide trend. The National Center for Education Statistics recently showed that , or almost 1.5 million students, from 2019-2024. Ģ����Ƶ’s decrease in enrollment was slightly smaller during that time at 1.4%.

Part of the reason for this drop might be the in the last several years. But Ģ����Ƶ has also taken steps to expand education opportunities, and more families are embracing new schooling options to find the best education fit for their kids. , and over applied to Ģ����Ƶ’s newest school choice program, the Promise Scholarship, between March and December of 2025.

Chronic Absenteeism Rates

Like many states, Ģ����Ƶ is battling a crisis of chronic absenteeism. The students involved are missing 10% or more of school days—a situation that and .

Chronic absenteeism rates tend to be among students from low-income families, students of color, and students with disabilities.  

Fortunately, . It dropped to 17.7% during the 2025-2026 school year. �ճ󲹳�’s down from a peak of 23.9% in 2021-2022. The rate has especially improved for grades K-5 and now stands at 13.5%. Lowering this rate even more will be key to making improvements in reading proficiency in the early grades. 

Public School Spending

On average, Ģ����Ƶ spends on K-12 education per student. Pre-kindergarten and K-12 education funds account for , making it Ģ����Ƶ’s biggest line item. In 2026, the budget included for Ģ����Ƶ’s public schools, approximately a $900 million increase from 2025.

Despite these amounts, state funding is only a portion of overall revenue for public schools. Local taxes are the biggest source of education dollars, and a small percentage comes from federal funding.

New Reading and Math Education Laws

Ģ����Ƶ lawmakers passed important education-related bills during the most recent legislative session. 

The will help more children read at grade level or above by putting literacy coaches—educators with expertise in teaching reading—in all elementary schools. Students will also be required to go to kindergarten before starting first grade, and their reading skills will be tested early in their academic development. 

In addition to addressing literacy, Ģ����Ƶ legislators passed the , which calls for an increase in the amount of time children spend on math during the elementary school day, an advanced (compressed and accelerated) math track for qualifying middle and high school students, and new requirements for teacher certifications. 

It’s important to note that qualified students will be automatically enrolled in the advanced classes to make sure all children have equitable access to them. This will help close racial, ethnic, gender, and socioeconomic achievement gaps among young Ģ����Ƶns. 

Improvements to the Classroom Environment

Ģ����Ƶ lawmakers also recently passed a that will require high schools to ban personal electronic devices like phones and tablets during the school day. A is going into effect for students in elementary and middle school this year. These changes should reduce distractions and help students stay engaged in the classroom.

And in 2025, Governor Brian Kemp signed the into law. Starting with the 2026-2027 school year, every Ģ����Ƶ school district will have an anonymous reporting system available. Schools will also provide evidence-based training on both suicide awareness and prevention and youth violence prevention to all students in grades 6-12. Changes like these will help create a safer environment where students can focus on learning and growing.

When it comes to artificial intelligence (AI), Ģ����Ƶ schools are shifting from asking whether students should use it to teaching them how to use it safely and responsibly. The that help students engage with AI in ethical ways, think critically about the information it provides, and build the skills they’ll need to thrive in an AI-driven workforce.

Next Steps for Education in Ģ����Ƶ

Ģ����Ƶ’s education measures are more than just data. Behind the numbers are real children who will be the next generation of mothers, fathers, business owners, employees, and voters in our state. A top-notch education will give them bright, opportunity-filled futures. 

Additional solutions to boost math and reading proficiency and address chronic absenteeism will not only help kids. They’ll also strengthen Ģ����Ƶ’s public schools and enable them to support students whose best—and sometimes only—education option is the local public school.

At the same time, Ģ����Ƶ leaders are continuing their work to remove financial and social barriers to quality education and to empower students and families to access the school of their choice. Prioritizing a range of options will open more doors for Ģ����Ƶ’s kids and give them new opportunities to flourish as they grow.

Image Credit: Canva

The post What to Know Ģ����Ƶ Education in Ģ����Ƶ as Students Go Back to School appeared first on For Opportunity.

Civil Asset Forfeiture

GCO produced a report (PDF download) examining Ģ����Ƶ’s civil asset forfeiture procedures. Civil asset forfeiture laws allow for an arrested person’s property to be seized, sold, and the proceeds used for law enforcement purposes, even if a person is not convicted of a crime. Our report makes several recommendations to improve transparency and accountability in this program. GCO will seek to have our recommendations passed into law.

Occupational Licensing

Following up on legislation passed last year benefiting spouses of our brave military personnel, GCO will support legislation to allow many other people who move to Ģ����Ƶ and hold an occupation license to immediately be granted a provisional license. This will allow these new Ģ����Ƶns to immediately go to work and support their families.

Criminal Justice Reform

GCO will support legislation that seeks to remove suspending the driver’s license of a person late on their child support payments. We approach this topic with sensitivity, knowing these payments are meant to support children, but losing a driver’s license impacts the debtor’s ability to work—and thus the ability to pay. There are better ways to hold people accountable for past due child support.

Education Scholarship Accounts

GCO has long supported empowering parents by creating Education Scholarship Accounts (ESAs). We will support such legislation again this year. ESAs take the state portions of a child’s education funds and allow parents to seek other educational pathways for their child. This is especially important in the time of COVID-19, where face-to-face instruction is limited but still extremely important to a child’s development.

Special Needs Scholarship Program

Last year, GCO championed legislation to fix a loophole in Ģ����Ƶ’s Special Needs Scholarship Program that has been keeping thousands of otherwise eligible children out of the program. The legislation passed the Ģ����Ƶ Senate, but was sidelined when the pandemic hit our state. We will work to see this legislation pass both Legislative Chambers and be signed successfully by Governor Kemp this year.

The GCO team will keep you updated throughout the session as we work on these priorities. Keep up with us on or for regular updates and be sure to join us for Get Buzz’d a live update on Facebook from our VP of Policy, Buzz Brockway. Buzz shares his insight into how policies will impact your everyday life.

The post Poverty Agenda 2021 | 5 policy prescriptions to reduce poverty in Ģ����Ƶ appeared first on For Opportunity.

Part 1

By Erik Randolph

The monthly spending for food stamp benefits in Ģ����Ƶ nearly doubled since before the start of the pandemic. Surprisingly, only 45.3 percent of the increased spending is due to increased participation. The remaining 54.7 percent is due to enhanced benefits.

Congress Makes a New Food Stamp Rule

On March 18th, the U.S. Senate passed that the U.S. House of Representative passed just four days prior. President Donald J. Trump signed the bill that same day, making the Families First Coronavirus Response Act (P.L. 116-127) the second federal law to address the looming pandemic.��

The food stamp provisions in the law suspended work and work-training requirements and allowed states to request waivers to give recipients the maximum allotment for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the official name of the food stamp program.��

Along with all other states, Ģ����Ƶ requested and received a pandemic-SNAP waiver—P-SNAP for short. P-SNAP lasts as long as there is a declared health emergency by the Secretary of Health and Human Services, and the waivers are renewed on a monthly basis.

Here is what it means in practice: Currently, all households of the same size receive the exact same food stamp allotment. An eligible single mom with one child receives $374 a month in food stamp benefits, the same amount as every other eligible two-person household in Ģ����Ƶ, no matter what income the household earns. It does not matter if the single mom has no income or makes $22,400 annually, which is just below the gross income limit. She still receives $374 each month in benefits.��

Likewise, an eligible four-person household currently receives $680 each month no matter if the household has no income or $34,000 in income, which is also just below the gross income limit.

During normal times, DFCS calculates net income of the household by subtracting several deductions and allowances from a household’s gross income. Then, to determine the amount of the benefit, DFCS subtracts 30 percent of the calculated net income from the maximum allotment.��

Benefits and Costs��

The number of Ģ����Ƶ households participating in the food stamp program was 626,808 in February 2020. As of September, that total was 905,949 households—a 44.5 percent increase. The number of persons participating increased from 1,342,624 to 1,862,486 for a 38.7 percent increase.��

The regular issuance of food stamp benefits followed the increase in household participation. It increased from $163,247,601 to $236,170,166—a 44.7 percent increase. Although the average fluctuated as much as $10.58 on a month-to-month basis, the average household benefit was $260.44 in February compared to $260.69 in September, which are almost identical.��

However, P-SNAP enhanced the size of the payments to the participants. When combined with the regular issuance, the total benefits in September were $324,169,118 for a 98.6 percent increase, increasing the average household benefit to $357.82. Note that these numbers do not include $100,385,379 for free and reduced price school lunches in September that were funneled through the Electronic Benefit Transfer cards that are used to issue the food stamp benefits.��

Was this the Best Way to Do it?

Note that Congress did not allow the states to expand the number of participants beyond the normal eligibility criteria for the program. The P-SNAP benefits of $581,085,040 spent since March were spent on those who would have normally qualified for the benefits.

Consequently, the households who benefited the most from the extra funding were those households with the higher incomes just under the eligibility limits. My next blog will show in greater detail how P-SNAP caused the welfare cliff to jump in magnitude.

In the meantime, if you have an opinion on whether this was a fair way to allocate extra funding for food stamps, be sure to let us know in the comments below.

Check Out Part 2

Erik Randolph is Director of Research at the Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity. This blog reflects his opinion and not necessarily that of the Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity.

The post The Pandemic Doubles the Food Stamp Program Part 1 appeared first on For Opportunity.

By Buzz Brockway

��Ordinarily, the Ģ����Ƶ Legislature would have wrapped up its 40-day legislative session by the end of March. But 2020 is no ordinary year. As the pandemic spread, the Legislature suspended its session in mid-March with no return date announced. Eventually, lawmakers reconvened with 11 legislative days left to address a plethora of issues.

Looming large was the fiscal year 2021 budget, and as you can imagine, the budget outlook was much different in June than in March. State revenues plunged due to the shutdown and budget writers scrambled to decide the best path forward. After tapping into the state’s rainy-day fund, lawmakers passed a budget with 10 percent�� cuts, approximately $2.2 billion smaller than originally proposed. No state department was spared, but some departments—like education—received smaller cuts than other departments.��

Apart from the budget, perhaps the issue that garnered the most attention was a hate crimes bill, HB 426. The murder of Ahmuad Arbery in Brunswick, GA, as well as the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor at the hands of police, created a political situation where ignoring this issue was impossible. Ģ����Ƶ previously had a hate crimes law that was declared unconstitutional by the State Supreme Court. HB 426, now signed into law by Governor Kemp, provides sentence enhancements after a person has been convicted of certain crimes motivated by bias against defined groups of people.

Two pieces of legislation we at the Ģ����Ƶ Center of Opportunity actively supported passed both houses and await the Governor’s signature. SB 288 allows a person convicted of certain non-violent misdemeanors, who have kept a clean record for a specific length of time, to seek to have those records restricted. This will allow these folks to have a better chance of employment. Another bill meant to assist people obtaining a job is HB 914. This bill will provide a temporary occupational license to spouses of members of the armed forces who move to Ģ����Ƶ. Ģ����Ƶ has a large number of military installations, so many people will benefit from this bill.

Other legislation of interest includes HB 888, which seeks to prevent “surprise billing.” A “surprise bill” occurs when an out-of-network physician treats a patient. These bills can become quite large. It is hoped this legislation will prevent this situation from occurring again.��

More progress was made in the fight against human trafficking as HB 823 and SB 435 passed.�� HB 823 would prevent a truckdriver convicted of human trafficking of ever holding a commercial driver’s license again in Ģ����Ƶ. SB 435, known as the “Debbie Vance Act,” would allow a person convicted of trafficking to have their conviction vacated if they can prove they were a victim of human trafficking.��

Foster parents will be allowed to arrange for short-term babysitting under HB 912, which awaits the Governor’s signature.��

Government transparency and accountability got a boost with the passage of HB 1037. This bill would require audits on production companies seeking to take advantage of Ģ����Ƶ’s film tax credit. An audit earlier in the year revealed oversite problems in this very large tax credit. Price transparency for non-emergency medical services is the subject of SB 303, which was sent to the Governor’s desk. Empowering patients with pricing information can help lower costs for shopping of these non-emergency services.��

Despite the strange nature of the 2020 Legislative Session, many things were accomplished. The Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity will continue to work hard to advance legislation to increase educational opportunity, knock down barriers to employment, and strengthen families. We look forward to continuing this effort in the next legislative session.��

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We are driven by a belief – supported by experience and research- that people from all walks of life are more likely to flourish if they have an access to quality eduction, fulfilling employment, and live within healthy families. See what policy issues we’re working on to break down barriers and create pathways for all Ģ����Ƶns to flourish.��

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By Erik Randolph

Don’t be fooled by Ģ����Ƶ’s unemployment rate. While many are breathing a sigh of relief that barely one in ten Ģ����Ƶn’s are out of work, the reality is much worse.

Ģ����Ƶ’s unemployment rate (U-3) dropped to 9.7% last month—according to official numbers from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics released today.����

This number is adjusted for seasonal fluctuations, if that still makes sense given the current conditions. Otherwise, Ģ����Ƶ’s rate would be 9.5%, relatively close due to the time of the year. The Bureau of Labor Statistics regularly makes adjustments to smooth out the data from the impact of seasonal employment, such as temporary employment during the Christmas season, teenagers working as summer camp counselors, or landscaping jobs dependent on the growing season. The smoothing out of data is intended to help economists detect trends more easily.��

The sense of relief comes from more dismal expectations that the unemployment rate itself could have been much worse—especially considering the unprecedented havoc on the economy from COVID-19—and from the encouraging news that Ģ����Ƶ is among the 38 states where the rates are coming down.��

��Ģ����Ƶ’s unemployment rate is among the lowest of the states. The nation’s rate was 13.3% (adjusted). Three states—Nevada, Michigan, and Hawaii—had seasonally adjusted rates of 25.3%, 22.6%, and 21.2%, respectively.��

However, one in ten workers unemployed is still very high. There were 475,338 unemployed Ģ����Ƶns last month (seasonally adjusted). That number was 161,147 in February. The state went from a historic low unemployment rate of 3.1% (adjusted) to a record high of 12.6% (adjusted) in just two months.��

The Loose Link

The situation is actually worse than what the unemployment numbers show. First, there is a loose relationship between employment and the labor force. The Bureau counts only those who are employed or actively looking for work as part of the labor force.��

When the economy does well and jobs are more plentiful, the labor force grows in size because more people decide to enter or reenter the labor force. However, when the economy grows sluggish and jobs become harder to find, the opposite happens: the labor force shrinks.

The labor force participation rate demonstrates this well-known phenomenon. The chart below illustrates this relationship in Ģ����Ƶ. By definition, the labor force participation rate shows the percentage of workers in the labor force to the potential population of those who could be in the labor force, defined as all individuals age 16 and older who are not institutionalized, such as in prison, and—as the Bureau of Labor Statistics defines it—not in the military.��

Of course, there are other factors at work. The aging population is pushing down the participation rate. An issue of great concern is the increasing proportion of individuals in their prime working age who have dropped out of the labor force altogether. This has been a topic of study from across the political spectrum, and recessions seem to only aggravate the trend.��

The size of the recent labor force loss is astounding. A record number of 262,577 Ģ����Ƶns dropped out of the labor force in April. This is the seasonally adjusted number. The unadjusted number is 286,733.��

The labor force bounced back just 0.1% in May, but still the net effect is that 256,208 individuals dropped out since February.��

What this all means is that 570,399 Ģ����Ƶns either lost employment or dropped out of the labor force since February. If you add back in the 161,147 who were unemployed in February, there are at least 731,546 workers either unemployed or who dropped out, and 751,116 workers if we use unadjusted numbers.��

However, we are still missing one part of the analysis. Prior to February, the labor force was growing and grew at a rate of 1.6% from the prior year (unadjusted). This implies that the labor force number should have grown over the last three months, perhaps to 5,208,019 in May (adjusted). This would make the combined unemployment/labor force problem closer to 15.0% (adjusted), or 14.8% (unadjusted).

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It Gets Even Worse

The official unemployment rate does not capture everyone, including those who are working part-time but want to work full-time. For this, we must turn to the alternative measurement of labor underutilization known as U-6, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ broadest metric. The national number jumped from 7.4% in February to 22.4% in April, and back down to 20.7% in May.��

Unfortunately, the Bureau does not publish U-6 on a monthly basis for the states. For statistical reliability reasons, they only provide annual rolling averages each quarter year.��

Most recently, Ģ����Ƶ’s annual rolling average U-6, ending the first quarter of 2020, was 6.7% compared to the national rolling average of 7.2%. This implies that Ģ����Ƶ’s U-6 is probably around 19.3%. Combining this number with those who dropped out of the labor force yields an impact well above 20%, probably around 25%, or one-in-four Ģ����Ƶns adversely affected, instead of just one in ten.

Note on Sources: All data came from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, except for the identification of the recessions that came from the Business Cycle Dating Committee of the National Bureau of Economic Research.����

Erik Randolph is Director of Research at the Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity. This article reflects his calculations, analysis and opinion and does not necessarily reflect that of the Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity.

To learn more about what Ģ����Ƶ Center for Opportunity is doing to help get Ģ����Ƶns back to work check out our initiative.��

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